By Susan L. Shirk
Thirty years in the past, the chinese language Communist occasion (CCP) made a fateful selection: to permit newspapers, magazines, tv, and radio stations to compete available on the market rather than being financed completely by means of the govt. The political and social implications of that call are nonetheless unfolding because the chinese language govt, media, and public adapt to the recent details environment.Edited through Susan Shirk, one in every of America's best specialists on modern China, this choice of essays brings jointly a who is who of experts--Chinese and American--writing approximately all elements of the altering media panorama in China. In unique case reports, the authors describe how the media is reshaping itself from a propaganda mouthpiece into an agent of watchdog journalism, how politicians are reacting to elevated scrutiny from the media, and the way tv, newspapers, magazines, and Web-based information websites navigate the cross-currents among the open market and the CCP censors. China has over 360 million web clients, greater than the other state, and an staggering 162 million bloggers. the expansion of web entry has dramatically elevated the data to be had, the range and timeliness of the inside track, and its nationwide and foreign succeed in. yet China continues to be faraway from having a unfastened press. As of 2008, the foreign NGO Freedom apartment ranked China 181 worst out of 195 international locations when it comes to press regulations, and chinese language newshounds were aptly defined as "dancing in shackles." the hot controversy over China's censorship of Google highlights the CCP's deep ambivalence towards info freedom. masking every thing from the increase of commercial media and on-line public opinion polling to environmental journalism and the impression of media on overseas coverage, altering Media, altering China finds how the main populous country on the earth is reacting to calls for for actual information.
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Additional resources for Changing Media, Changing China
How long can it be before such stories begin to appear in China too? To entertain a hypothetical idea, think about how easy it would be nowadays for a leader to reach out to a constituency by posting a manifesto on the Internet or granting a candid interview to the media. Certainly, ambitious politicians have already become skillful in using the media to burnish their public image. During 2010, Chongqing CCP Secretary Bo Xilai gained valuable publicity by prosecuting for corruption and maﬁa ties a large number of very senior local officials.
When Beijing Vice-Mayor Liu Zhihua was stripped of his party rank in June 2006 on suspicion of corruption, propaganda officials issued a ban on independent reporting by Chinese newspapers. In other words, reporters were not to interview people related to the case, or other officials or experts. They were provided only limited information by Xinhua News Agency in the form of an official release, or tonggao. Officials regarded this as a highly sensitive corruption case since Liu Zhihua had been responsible for construction projects for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games.
The CCP limits the number of licenses granted and the terms of the license may restrict the content of publications. 15 Asset allocation and investment, particularly foreign investment, are also rigorously controlled. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that the media now constitute an industry. 16 By the time President Hu Jintao came to power in 2002, the media commercialization process was already in high gear. The president’s own media policy was, as expected, a marriage of commercialization and control.