By T. Henriksen
America and Rogue States narrates and analyzes the USA courting with the most nuclear-threatening, terrorist-sponsoring outcast states over the last decades.
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They wanted overwhelming force applied against Iraq if any military actions were executed. Their plans envisioned initially 100,000 troops for the mission, a figure later augmented fivefold. In weighing an apt response, Bush and his top aides had an array of concerns. Strategically, they worried that Baghdad now had dominion over 20 percent of the world’s oil reserves and hinted at a further drive into eastern Saudi Arabia, which holds another one-fifth of the planet’s known oil deposits. Domestically, the administration was concerned about whether the American public would tolerate a war in light of the fact that much of Saudi oil flowed to Japan.
The IAEA failure to uncover Iraqi nuclear facilities held long-lasting and widespread ramifications. Never again would Washington governments place absolute confidence in IAEA inspections or any non-American arms monitoring. Moreover, in the official mind, the failure to discover Iraq’s nuclear headway became linked with other inspections in North Korea and Iran. Doubts about the effectiveness of international inspection teams heightened American anxieties that the North Koreans and Iranians were likely to be secretly producing WMD.
When it accorded with its own interests, Beijing did act as a restraint on its difficult dependency. More dependably, China served as a model of economic development for its protégé. Iran, as chapter 3 makes clear, is still an intractable case. Strategic patience will not suffice to disarm its growing nuclear and missile capacity. Therefore, Iran’s membership in the nuclear club constitutes a defeat for Middle East security and for antiproliferation hopes. The so-called lesser rogue states, such as Syria, Cuba, and Sudan, suffered setbacks or declined without Soviet aid; they no longer present the threats they once did.