By Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Within the Nineteen Eighties generative grammar well-known that practical fabric is ready to venture syntactic constitution in conformity with the X-bar-format. This perception quickly ended in a substantial elevate within the stock of practical projections. the fundamental suggestion at the back of this line of theorizing, which matches via the identify of cartography, is that sentence constitution will be represented as a template of linearly ordered positions, every one with their very own syntactic and semantic import. in recent times, notwithstanding, a few difficulties were raised for this method. for instance, definite combos of syntactic parts can't be linearly ordered. In mild of such difficulties a couple of substitute bills were explored. a few of them suggest a brand new (often interface-related) set off for move, whereas others search replacement technique of accounting for numerous notice order styles. those possible choices to cartography don't shape a homogeneous workforce, nor has there to date been a discussion board the place those principles will be in comparison and faced with each other. This quantity fills that hole. It deals a various and in-depth view at the place taken by way of a considerable variety of researchers within the box at the present time on what's possibly some of the most hotly debated and arguable concerns in present-day generative grammar.
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De klok heeft willen dat grootpapa zijn BUREN that granddad his neighbours the clock has want nalaten. bequeath b. # dat [zijn BUREN]1 grootpapa t 1 de klok heeft willen that his neighbours granddad the klok has want nalaten. ’ As expected, it is possible to move a topic from a position preceding a focus, as shown in (20). Our classification of ‘neighbours’ as topic and ‘clock’ as focus in the examples in (20) receives support from the negative-quantifier test introduced above, but for reasons of space we will not demonstrate this here.
119403). Our notion of (linguistic) topic corresponds to what Lambrecht calls ‘referenceoriented topic expressions’, while our notion of indexing elements corresponds to his ‘role-oriented topic expressions’. Backgrounds differ from comments in this respect: as focus is a notion associated with propositions, there is no such thing as an all-background sentence. Backgrounded information is backgrounded with respect to a focus. Therefore, if focus is a propositional notion, the background and focus must be part of the same proposition.
The answer in (21c) is fully grammatical because Peter is included in the domain of contrast and hence the contrastive topic is correctly selected out of the set of office equipment that Peter has wanted to ask John for. As expected, in a context in which the indirect object John is interpreted as contrastive focus, short movement of the topic is felicitous. We can see this if the leading question sets up a context in which we are discussing which pieces of office equipment Peter has asked his fellow workers for.